Rocco Pugliese was a young
militant of the Communist Party of Italy (see his portrait
and photo), from the Italian
region of Calabria. In 1930 he was assassinated by the fascist
jailers in the penitentiary
of Santo Stefano island, in
Pontine archipelago, where he had been deported as a result of
the fascist "special court" sentence in 1928.
Rocco was born on January 27th 1903 in Palmi, in the province
of Reggio Calabria, from Giuseppe Pugliese and Maria Polimeni,
and since his earliest age he was a Socialist Party militant,
being in 1921 amongst the founders
of the Palmi cell of Communist Party
of Italy, becoming then its secretary at the age of eighteen.
Rocco had a decisive revolutionary political training during his
the required military service, performed in Turin, a working-class
city, where the revolutionary movement was very strong and active.
The military service period was a proper school for executive
cadres, and the young man who came back to Palmi after being discharged
was a mature and conscious Communist executive (Pugliese, 2015).
In 1925, the year of the facts which led him to be a victim of
the fascist murderers, Rocco was a student of accounting.
The premises
for Palmi events
Palmi, a town of southern Italy, in the
region Calabria, at that time had about 15,000 inhabitants (today
counts 19,000), it was a red stronghold, center of an intense
socialist and later communist political activity in a territory
with large estates (mainly citrus and olive plantations) with
a heavy exploitation of day labourers' manpower (Pugliese, 2015). The Palmi Socialist Party cell was established
soon after the devastating earthquake of Messina and Reggio Calabria
of December 28th 1908, which caused victims and
damages in the town. One of the most significant battle of the
revolutionary movement in Palmi was the winning one against the
unreasonable rent imposed by Palmi municipality to the people
who dwelled the hovels built for the homeless after the earthquake,
and left in use for twenty years, until 1928. (Pugliese, 2015) It remained memorable the march
in 1924, when five thousand anti-fascists paraded in order to
protest against the murder by the fascists of the Socialist deputy
Giacomo Matteotti, reaching then the
town cemetary to lay wreaths and flowers.
The strong anti-fascist presence in Palmi made it the target of
violent assaults by fascist gangs, particularly numerous, since
Palmi fighters fasces (the fascist party cell) was one of the
first to be founded in the province of Reggio Calabria.
In the elections of 1924 the Communists were very close to have
their candidate, lawyer Diomede Marvasi, elected, not reaching
the quorum for a few votes; the party cell counted three hundred
members, and one hundred and eighty were the members of the juvenile
circle, being mainly peasants and labourers, besides professionals
and students.
The strength of the anti-fascist movement in Palmi manifested
itself in a continuous contrast to the expansion of the emerging
regime, as when the fascist top dog Michele Bianchi was twice
prevented from giving a speech in Palmi, causing a short circuit
on the power grid and pushing him to give up the event for safety
reasons. (Pugliese,
2015)
In the days before
May 1st, 1925, to prevent the celebration
of Labor Day, several antifascist leaders were arrested on some
pretext, while others managed to slip away. The reaction was a
general strike, held on 2nd and 3rd May, with street demonstrations
that had a so big attendance, that the authorities did not dare
to counter them. The fascists were planning to disturb the protest
with their bravados, but the Palmi anti-fascists preempted them
devastating the local Fascist Party headquarters, destroying the
offensive signs against the strikers and forcing the fascists
to temporarily keep off the town. (Pugliese, 2015)
On August 15th
a fascist gang coming from the neighbouring villages camped in
the night at the door of the town with the goal to assault and
set afire the houses of the left-wing parties' leaders of Palmi,
but they were put to flight by a hundred of men, leaded by Rocco
and Giuseppe Pugliese and Antonino Bongiorno.
The ground which caused the events of August 30th,
1925 were the repeated humiliations suffered by the fascists in
Palmi, all the more harsh since they endorsed an ideology based
on arrogance and overman ideology, while in many other parts of
Italy Fascist gangs dominated uncontested.
The events
of the Varia
On August 27th 1925 the religious celebrations
of the Virgin of the Letter began in the town, with the traditional
festivity of the Varia, a great votive
chariot symbolizing the Assumption, dragged in procession by 200-300
faithfuls (the "mbuttaturi'") in the streets
of the town, with the accompaniment of the band (since 2013 the
feast, together with three other similar Italian celebrations,
is inscribed in UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity,
see link).
In 1925 the fascists imposed that during the festivity the Frigento
band, one out of two involved in the feast, played their anthem
"Giovinezza" (meaning "youth"), and
the (fascist) president of the celebration commitee, supported
this abuse.
The fascists wanted then to impose their anthem was played also
during the procession, instead of the traditional march composed
by Rosario Jonata, and the Palmi people rebelled to this overbearingness,
requiring the restitution of the contributions payed and boycotting
the transport of the Varia, considering also that the bearers
by tradition belonged to the five corporations: carters, sailors,
butchers, artisans and farmers, who mainly were Communist and
Socialist.
Actually just five sailors and five carters offered themselves
for the transport of the chariot, and the procession, turned into
a fascist political parade, was boycotted even by the priests:
indeed just one of them took part in the procession.
The fascist gangs' provocations went on and the tension reached
its maximum at midnight of August 30th, while the town population watched
the fireworks: the fascists burst into the De Rosa café,
whose tables were as usual crowded by Communists and Socialists,
insulting them and starting to sing once more "Giovinezza".
Rocco Pugliese summoned to stop provocation, beginning to sing
the Communist anthem “Bandiera Rossa" (Red Flag),
but he was assaulted with a stick by a fascist and reacted throwing
a chair. During the brawl some gunshots were fired, and two fascists
were wounded: Rocco Gerocarni, that died the following day, and
Rosario Privitera, besides to two passers-by (see the news
on the Communist Party's newspaper "l'Unità"
of September 2nd 1925 and the fictional
version of the official Press Agency Stefani, drawn by the
Turin newspaper "La Stampa" of September 1st
1925).
According to the author Leonida Repaci (see below) who was a witness
of the events, the actual target of the shots was he himself,
who was scratched by two bullets, while the third one killed Gerocarni.
The shots were fired from the terrace of Sambiase family, facing
the café, by the same fascists, who by mistake shot their
companion Gerocarni. The motive of the ambush should be included
in the framework of the sudden rise of violence by the hard-liner
wing of fascism, leaded by the fascist beaters' boss Farinacci,
in order to break the deadlock in which Mussolini had fallen after
Matteotti's murder and the consequent reactions by the antifascists.
The target of Palmi assault was anyway a town with steady antifascist
principles, who was therefore punished for its refuse to submit
to fascist hooligan's violence.
The reaction of the recent fascist regimen was very tough: the
police officier Francesco Cavalieri arrested many antifascists
of the region, accusing them of organizing a subversive conspiracy;
the same Cavalieri later admitted, during the trial, that the
arrests were due to political reasons instead to the homicide
(see the news on "l'Unità"
of September 8th 1925).
Farinacci sent a telegram spurring them to the revenge and the
September 15th the fascist gangs devastated
the circle "Unione e Progresso" and the house
of the communist laborer Managò, who was later arrested
by the police. The fascists also assaulted the house of Leonida
Repaci's brother where they stole objects and money, and tried
to burst into the Palmi jail, in order to lynch the antifascists
arrested for the Varia events.
The journalist Giuseppe Dato, correspondent of the newspaper "Gazzetta
di Messina e delle Calabrie", even being a fascist too,
was assaulted and thrown in a basin full of water, because he
had criticized in a correspondence the fascist gangs' violences.
In the following days the fascists impeached, as a matter of fact,
the access to everybody they didn't agree, including the prisoners'
lawyers (see "l'Unità"
of September 15th 1925).
The "trial"
The dead of Gerocarni
was attributed to the communists as a preconception and preliminary
investigation was conducted in an extremely partial way: many
witnesses who had given depositions for the prosecution, retracted,
reporting they had been threatened by the fascists. In the same
year, in October, two of the witnesses killed themselves, and
one of them left a message explaining his suicide was due to the
remorse for wrongly accusing Leonida Repaci, Giuseppe Pugliese
and Giuseppe Marazzita, but the court did not consider this.
On December 5th the Attorney general by the Court
of Appeal of Catanzaro asked to commit thirty-one persons to trial
for complicity in premeditated homicide and missed premeditated
homicide. The prosecution section of the Court of Appeal of Catanzaro
on March 29th 1926 committed 15 persons to
trial by the Court of Assizes of Palmi, while the others were
acquitted with the formula of "not guilty" or on the
grounds of insufficient evidence, like in the case of Leonida
Repaci (see "l'Unità"
of April 3rd 1926).
The trial began by the Court of Assizes of Nicastro, where it
was remitted for legitimate suspicion. With an abuse that anticipated
the future management of justice by the part of the fascist regimen,
the defence attorneys appointed by the defendants, Gullo, Lo Sardo
and Riboldi, were arrested and sent to the confinement; the trial
was then remitted since the Attorney general asked to commit four
witnesses to trial because they retracted their accusatory depositions.
In the same year 1926, following the attack of the fifteen-years-old
Anteo Zamboni, who tried to kill Mussolini,
with the emergency laws of November 26th 1926 the special
court for the defence of the State was established. The name
of "court" was absolutely unjustified, inasmuch as it
was not constituted by judges, but rather by militants of the
fascist party, and in particular by consuls of the MVSN (National
Security Voluntary Militia).
On March 12th 1928 the Court of Cassation declared
with a sentence that the process had to be assigned to the special
court, where the November 27th
of the same year the
trial began. The fifteen antifascist defendants, who had spent
more than three years in preventive imprisonment, were charged
of "homicide, attempted murder, actions aimed to stir
a civil war up, insurrection against the State".
Between the defendants there was Rocco Pugliese, who had before
the court a not at all submissive behaviour, coherently with his
intransigence in the antifascist struggle; the Public Prosecutor
Isgrò asked for him the life imprisonment and for other
eight defendants the term of imprisonment proposed was of 30 years,
while the "lighter" sentence asked was of 12 years,
and for just one defendant the acquittal on the grounds of insufficient
evidence was asked. Death penalty had been abolished in Italy
in 1889 (de facto since 1877) and was restored by the fascist
regime in 1930.
On December 5th 1928, just eight days after the
beginning of the trial, the court (President Tringali-Casanova,
rapporteur Presti), issued Sentence No 145, that inflicted very
tough convictions: the heaviest, of 24 years and 7 months, was
received just by Rocco Pugliese, while Natale Borghese and Vincenzo
Pugliese were sentenced to 10 years and 8 months, Giuseppe Florio
and Gregorio Grasso to 10 years and 7 months, Giuseppe and Antonio
Bongiorno to 8 years and 7 months. This latter was tried again
by the special court in 1935, for organization and participation
to the Communist Party, and was sentenced to 12 years more.
The others six antifascists were acquitted, between them Francesco
Carbone, Antonio Sambiase, Giuseppe Pugliese, Pasquale Carella
and Giuseppe de Salvo, besides the Socialist lawyer Giuseppe Marazzita,
which years after was elected in the Senate of the Republic, which
anyway was repeatedy imprisoned in the remaining years of the
fascist dictature.
It must also remember that Fortunato, Rocco's elder brother, born
on May 7th, 1891, cabman by trade, married
with eight children, was arrested on November 30th,
1926 for demonstrating solidarity with Rocco, and was assigned
to confinement in Lampedusa and then to Ustica island. Despite
the death of a daughter and although he was suffering of exuding
trachoma that made him nearly blind, he was kept in detention
and released only in March 1929.
The Repaci
affair
Another antifascist
of Palmi involved in the events of the Varia was Leonida
Rèpaci (1898-1985), writer and later on also painter,
who conceived the Viareggio Literary Prize and was a lawyer too.
According to Francesco Spezzano, senator of the Communist Party
in the post-war period, was the real target, with Rocco Pugliese,
of the punitive expedition of the fascist gang.
Repaci was emprisoned but, as previously mentioned, was then acquitted
during the preliminary investigation and wasn't submitted to the
special Court. His acquittal, like that of other defendant, was
attributed to interventions of men of position, in the case of
Repaci to that of Arnaldo Mussolini, brother of the "duce",
besides the counsel for the defence constituted by big shots of
the regimen. In any case Repaci benefitted of numerous witnessings
of personages well agreed to the fascist regimen. His elder brother
Gaetano was moreover Mussolini's family physician.
Anyway Repaci, after some more than a month after his acquittal,
resigned from the Communist Party with a letter,
published by the Party's newspaper "l'Unità"
on May 6th 1926, in which he claimed his
political position was marginal and sideward to that of the Party
and announced his own return to privacy.
L'Unità answered the letter
of Repaci in a very polemic way, with an unisigned article, although
attribuited to Antonio Gramsci, which
compared Repaci's calling himself out to the suffering of the
communist political prisoners who didn't renounce their own political
choices.
The controversy continued also in 1944, after the liberation of
Rome, between "l'Unità" and the reactionary
newspaper "Il Tempo", on which Repaci defended
himself attacking those who accused him of having been acquitted
by intervention of the regimen, but then he let the controversy
drop, when "l'Unità" published a letter
of Antonino and Giuseppe Bongiorno reporting many facts that confirmed
the interventions in his favour made by big shots of the regimen.
While Rèpaci was in jail wrote "In fondo al pozzo"
(meaning "The bottom of the well"), a novel with many
autobiographic references, even to the Varia events of 1925.
The murder
Rocco Pugliese was
secluded in Santo Stefano penitentiary (see my webpage
on it) which was used by the fascist regimen in order to deport
the more dangerous opposers, with the purpose of bending their
will with the hardest conditions of detainment. The political
prisoners sentenced by the special court were afflicted by a particularly
hard treatment, with the isolation from the common prisoners,
in order to avoid that their charisma could have grip on them.
They were also submitted to a more stringent surveillance, urged
to the jailers with a notice fixed to their cell's doors, warning:
"dangerous prisoner to be carefully guarded".
In Santo Stefano Rocco maintained his fierce behaviour ("an
exemple of resistance and pride", according to Vico Faggi),
and refused to submit himself to the fascist jail machine, that
made him pay dearly, at first with continuous vexations and tortures,
and finally with the dead, which occurred on October 17th
1930.
According to the official version Pugliese commited suicide hanging
himself, while another version, poorly credible, maintains he
died suffocated while two jailers tried to force-feed him with
a probe, while he was tied in restraints at his bed. The force-feeding
would have been decided as a result of a supposed hunger strike
of Rocco.
In reality several affordable sources maintain that Pugliese was
strangled or hit to death by the jailers: according to Francesco
Spezzano "after having thrown a blanket on his head (...)
they beated him to death" and moreover "his desperate
screams were heard for long by his companions of imprisonment
(...) that, locked in the other cells, couldn't do anything to
help him" and then "the emotion for the barbarous
murder was enormous between the prisoners who made a collection
to send a wreath to his funeral".
The above described treatment was called by the guards the "Sant'Antonio",
with a term derived from the Naples mafia slang: it consisted
in bursting unexpectedly in the cell, covering the victim with
a blanket, and then hitting him hardly with kicks, punchs, cudgels
or with the heavy cell's keys. The blanket was used in order to
allow the aggressors not to be recognized, to suffocate the screams
of the victims and impeach them to react, and also for not leaving
traces on the body of the target of the beating, that could testify
about the aggression. According to the Ligurian anarchist Giuseppe
Mariani, once imprisoned in Santo Stefano, in the penitentiary
during the beatings the blanket was not used, since the guards,
being certain of their impunity, didn't think they need any precaution.
According to Mariani the "Santantonio" against Rocco
was performed by guard corporal Barbara and by sickroom warden
Giacobbo, by command of head guard Luigi Porta, in the utmost
indifference of penitentiary's manager Russo, who was there.
The communist Giovanni Pianezza, cellmate of Rocco, obtained the
permission to keep watch beside the corpse in the mortuary, declaring
to be his cousin. In a moment of inattention of the guards succeeded
to to raise the sheet that covered the body and saw the face was
leaden, like for a death for asphyxia. Taken by surprise by the
guards, he was threatened to die in the same way of Rocco, if
he had spoken, and then he was immediately transferred.
The socialist leader Sandro Pertini, who was president of the
Italian Republic from 1978 to 1985, was secluded in Santo Stefano
from 1929 to 1930, and many years later, in 1947, once elected
deputy of the Constituent Assembly, reminded in a speech before
the assembly that "Rocco Pugliese was dispatched in the
prison of Santo Stefano when I was there, in restraints".
The speech of Pertini was a reply to the answer given by the Minister
of Justice Giuseppe Grassi to a question he made about the thrashing
made by the jailers of some prisoners of Poggioreale jail in Naples,
followed by the death of one of them.
Pertini was very clear: "... I speak for personal experience
(...). In jail, Honourable Minister, it happens this: a prisoner
is struck; in consequence of the blows the prisoner dies, and
then everybody worries, and not only the jailers who stroke the
prisoner worry, but also the director, the doctor, the chaplain
and all the prison crew do it. And then they make this: they lay
the prisoner bare, they hang him to the window's grating and they
let him be found hanging this way. The doctor comes and he draws
up a medical report of suicide. This was the end of Bresci. Bresci
has been struck to death, then they hung the corpse to the window's
grating of his cell at Santo Stefano, where I have been a year
and half".
Pertini referred to the death of Gaetano
Bresci, the anarchist from Prato, near Florence, sentenced
to life imprisonment for the murder of the king Umberto I (see
my webpage about him), but died in
1901, after few months from his transfer to Santo Stefano.
Moreover Pertini, in a testimony reported in a book edited by
Vico Faggi, relates: "One night I was awaken by a choked
cry «mummy, mummy!». The day after somebody spread
the rumour that Rocco Pugliese hanged himself; but the suicide
was nothing more than an act. Pugliese had been killed by the
jailers."
In the same work is reminded that the murder of political prisoners
in the fascist jails wasn't un uncommon case, how testified by
the cases of Gastone Sozzi in
Perugia jail and Romolo Tranquilli,
the brother of the writer Ignazio Silone, in Procida jail. The
1929 January 1st clandestine edition of l'Unità
reported the names of Communist prisoner dead or anyway sick in
the fascist jails.
Rocco's death was immediately perceived as a murder and the news
came to the anti-Fascist circles in Italy and in exile. The French
Communist Party's newspaper "L'Humanité"
published on December 21st, 1930 an article by Gabriel
Péri, who was later a Communist member of parliament,
entitled: "Comment périrent à San Stefano
les communistes Castellano et Pugliesi" ("How
the Communist militants Castellano and Pugliesi died in Santo
Stefano") (Pugliese,
2015), which denounced
the death of two Communist prisoners, Castellano and Rocco Pugliese,
(erroneously referred to as "Pugliesi"), and the serious
health condition of the communist militant Emmanuelli and of Sandro
Pertini, ill with tuberculosis. The article attributed the death
of Rocco to a reprisal by the guards for refusing their sexual
advances, shouting instead aloud to fight them off. Later Rocco
would have been harassed by providing him uneatable food, which
he refused, triggering segregation and fasting at the "enclosure
bed", with subsequent death.
Péri's article and the spread of the news by the exiled
antifascists embarassed the fascist regime, and Mussolini established
a farcical board of enquiry on prisoners' condition in jails,
which predictably gave no results, except for a temporary alleviation
of the brutish prison treatment.
Rocco's family knew of his death almost by chance and the corpse
was never given back.
(Cordova,
1965) The police headquarters in Reggio
Calabria gave instructions to prevent a public funeral in Palmi,
providing for a night-time transport of the corpse to the cemetery,
but actually Rocco's body never arrived in Palmi and it was probably
already destroyed in Santo Stefano (Pugliese, 2015), as probably happened to Gaetano Bresci's
corpse.
A theatrical
work and four books
The theatrical company
Teatridelsud of Palmi staged a play called "L’Arrobbafumu"
a work by Francesco Suriano, interpreted by Peppino
Mazzotta, taken by a book by
the same author, taking a hint from the events of Palmi to tell
about the Calabria and its delays of development.
The Calabrian writer Domenico Gangemi
published in 2004 a novel freely inspired from the events of the
Varia of 1925 entitled "'25 nero",
published by Pellegrini Editore. Besides Natale Pace, a moderate
representative and deputy mayor of Palmi, in his essay "Il
debito" ("The Debt"), published in 2006 by Laruffa
Editore, tells Rocco's vicissitude from the point of view of Leonida
Repaci, who was a close friend with the author.
In 2015 the publisher Annales of Rome edited "Rocco Pugliese:
un Comunista di Calabria" a nice book by Lorenzo
Pugliese, a relative of Rocco, which reports with passion
and involvement the outcome of a 18 years research, performed
by the author through archives, journals, libraries and witnesses'
stories. This book entirely fulfils Sandro Pertini's wish, expressed
to a Rocco's niece, so that the sacrifice of this young man from
Palmi was never forgotten.
On April 25th, 2018
the city of Palmi placed a plaque
in the place where the native home of Rocco Pugliese stood:
For everlasting memory, here stood the native home of
Rocco Pugliese 1903-1930.
A Palmese Communist who with other young antifascists established
the cell of the Communist Party of Italy in Palmi.
Innocent and Condemned by the Special Court for the "facts
of the Varia" of 30th August, 1925 killed by the Fascist brutality
in Santo Stefano Penitentiary.
"One night I was awaken by a choked cry «mummy,
mummy!». The day after somebody spread the rumour that Rocco
Pugliese hanged himself; but the suicide was nothing more than
an act. Pugliese had been killed by the jailers."
Sandro Pertini.
THE CITY PLACED
Palmi April 25th, 2018.
Rocco
Pugliese nowadays
In spite of his seclusion,
murder and concealment of his corpse, though more than eighty
years went by from his death and maybe noone of those who knew
Rocco is still alive, that 27 years old young man from Calabria
is still living in memory, his sacrifice still arouses gratitude
and his brutal murder still inspires horror and indignation.
BIBLIOGRAPHIC
REFERENCES:
- ALFASSIO GRIMALDI Ugoberto (1970) Il re "buono". Feltrinelli,
Milano. Pag. 468-470,
- AJELLO Nello (2003) Il confino. Ecco le vacanze che offriva
il duce. La Repubblica, September 13th 2003, pag. 39.
-
CORDOVA Ferdinando
(1965)
Il processo Gerocarni. Historica, 16 (18): 196-212.
- CORDOVA Ferdinando (1977) Alle origini del PCI in Calabria -
1918-1926. Bulzoni, Roma.
- CORDOVA Ferdinando (1994) Un originale documento sui fatti di
Palmi dell'estate del 1925, Historica, XLVII-4, pag. 157-167.
-
DA PASSANO Mario Il «delitto di Regina Cœli»
(link)
- DAL PONT Adriano (1975) I lager di Mussolini. La Pietra,
Milano.
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Lino (1962) Aula 4: tutti i processi del Tribunale speciale fascista.
ANPPIA, Roma.
- FAGGI Vico (edited by) (1970) Sandro Pertini: sei condanne due
evasioni. Mondadori, Milano.
- GALZERANO Giuseppe (1988) Gaetano Bresci: la vita, l' attentato,
il processo e la morte del regicida anarchico. Galzerano editore
- Atti e memorie del popolo - Casalvelino Scalo (Salerno).
tel. and fax: +39.0974.62028 http://galzeranoeditore.blogspot.it/ e-mail: giuseppe.galzerano@tiscalinet.it
- GANGEMI Domenico (2004) '25 nero. Luigi Pellegrini Editore,
Cosenza.
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1926-1943. Editori Riuniti, Roma.
- LISA Athos (1973) Memorie. In carcere con Gramsci. Feltrinelli,
Milano.
- MARIANI Giuseppe (1954) Nel mondo degli ergastoli, S.n.,
Torino..
- PACE Natale (2006) Il debito. Leonida Repaci nella storia. Laruffa
Editore, Reggio Calabria.
- PERTINI Sandro (1947) in "Atti dell’Assemblea Costituente.
Discussioni", IX, 19 novembre 1947, 2179-2180.
- PUGLIESE Amelia (s.a.) Viaggio nella casa di correzione penale
di Santo Stefano. http://www.ventotenet.org/tourinfo/santostefano.htm.
- PUGLIESE Lorenzo (2015) Rocco Pugliese: un Comunista di Calabria).
Annales, Roma. link
- SPEZZANO Francesco (1968) La lotta politica in Calabria: (1861-1925).
Lacaita, Manduria.
- SPEZZANO Francesco (1975) Fascismo e antifascismo in Calabria.
Lacaita, Manduria.
- SPEZZANO Francesco (1984) Item "Pugliese, Rocco" in
"Enciclopedia dell’antifascismo e della Resistenza".
La Pietra-Walk Over, Milano. IV: 813-814.
- SPRIANO Paolo (1969) Storia del Partito Comunista Italiano.
Einaudi, Torino.
WEB
REFERENCES (accessible
on: January 29th,2019):
http://www.ecn.org/filiarmonici/santostefano.html
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palmi
http://www.domenicogangemi.it/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leonida_Repaci
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http://www.ventotene.it/escursioni.aspx
http://www.traveleurope.it/ventoten.htm
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no longer
accessible on: January 29th,2019:
http://www.anpi.it/ts/1928_4trim.htm
http://www.variadipalmi.it/curiosita.asp?modulo=leggi&ID=6
http://spazioinwind.libero.it/nb/vittoriofoa/tribunale.htm
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http://www.istoreco-re.it/isto/default.asp?id=326&lang=ITA
page
last updated:
February 12th, 2019
